Rome does not want Berlin to force a migration-friendly, left-leaning politician like Frans Timmermans on them as EU Commission President. Since the comments between Rome and Berlin in the Rackete case are becoming more and more toxic, Bundestag President Wolfgang Schäuble now has mutual moderation and the German side Self-criticism called: “” The fact that you have to rescue people who are in distress at sea cannot be seriously discussed, “emphasizes Schäuble.

Rome does not want Berlin to force a migration-friendly, left-leaning politician like Frans Timmermans on them as EU Commission President. Since the comments between Rome and Berlin in the Rackete case are becoming more and more toxic, Bundestag President Wolfgang Schäuble now has mutual moderation and the German side Self-criticism called: “” The fact that you have to rescue people who are in distress at sea cannot be seriously discussed, “emphasizes Schäuble.

One could also trust both of them with a team deal, at least as far as the procedure is concerned, because hardly anyone in the Union believes that you can actually take ten months to make a personnel decision, as AKK and Merkel believe. Even the five months of internal party leadership castings of the SPD are unanimously viewed in the Union as grotesquely elongated and harmful. Of course, Laschet has no real interest in making an early decision. He will not want to repeat AKK’s painful experience of being wiped out under a Chancellor who is still robustly active in terms of power politics.

As a respected Prime Minister, he has a lot to lose – Merz, on the other hand, is completely free of the risk of loss, and in the end Markus Söder may make the decision. Söder not only has a theoretical right to veto the nomination of the candidate for chancellor. From now on he is the actual chancellor maker.

Neither Laschet nor Merz can become Merkel’s successor against his will. If Söder wanted it, then he would have the best chance of becoming the third candidate for Union Chancellor from the CSU after Franz Josef Strauss in 1980 and Edmund Stoiber in 2002. But he really doesn’t want to.

And so in Munich the legendary quote from Franz-Josef Strauss (“” I don’t care who becomes Chancellor under me. “”) Is passed around again. But Söder is not indifferent, he is already urging the decision – and soon to his candidate. Source: “Carola Rackete – for some she is a heroine, for others a red rag. (Photo: REUTERS) The German captain of Sea Watch 3 has been arrested in Italy. Political Berlin demands her release, supporters collect money, heroes’ wreaths are woven. In Italy one sees it very differently – and not only Salvini. In Germany Carola Rackete is celebrated as a humanitarian heroine and stylized as a modern female Robin Hood who fearlessly saves lives against dark forces.

Celebrities collect donations, the media throw their heads in editorials for them, from the foreign minister, the SPD politician Heiko Maas, to the development aid minister Gerd Müller from the CSU – the ruling political class in Berlin is indignant and supports her. Even the Federal President reads the riot act surprisingly undiplomatically in the matter of Italy. “” Free Carola “” is becoming the new mobilization slogan of the left-wing green scene and Interior Minister Matteo Salvini’s Italy is increasingly mutating into a new enemy image, as was Orban’s Hungary in 2015.In Italy, a completely different picture emerges. There the German captain of the “” Sea-Watch 3 “” is viewed more as a morally vain tugboat and an activist lawbreaker.

Last week, in an opinion poll, only 33 percent were in favor of accepting the “” Sea-Watch 3 “” refugees, 61 percent were against. Among the voters of the largest party, Salvini’s right-wing populist Lega, this figure even reached 93 percent, but Italians who were critical of Salvini also viewed the behavior of the German captain with skepticism. The comment situation in Rome and Milan is much more critical than in Germany. It is pointed out that Italy’s restrictive landings policy has drastically reduced the number of dead migrants in the Mediterranean because fewer and fewer are now exposed to the risk of fleeing across the sea. In Berlin it is emphasized with moral self-assurance that Rackete was only concerned with saving human life and that everything justified – including the violent intrusion into the port of Lampedusa (Heiko Maas: “” Sea rescue is not a crime “”).

In Italy, on the other hand, people insist that laws should simply be respected. Rackete did not act out of self-defense, but out of political calculation. The “” Sea Watch 3 “” could have brought the rescued persons to Libya or Tunisia without any problems or directly to Spain and France, with a few days’ journey to the Netherlands (the ship sails under the Dutch flag) or Germany. But Rackete didn’t even try that. In this case, it is not about a humanitarian emergency, but about a political demonstration. The feeling that Italy’s right-wing government should be brought before left German activists and morally taught is widespread in Italy and leads to a shit storm in the social Media of Italy.

The fact that the German captain broke Italian laws, disregarded and harassed an Italian patrol boat is felt to be just as unacceptable as the political comments of Rackete’s father, the ex-Bundeswehr officer Ekkehard Rackete: “” Unfortunately, she doesn’t speak Italian. Otherwise she would give Interior Minister Matteo Salvini a set of red ears. “” And so the process has the potential to put a heavy strain on German-Italian relations. The government in Rome irritably rejects “moral lessons” from Berlin. “” The German President and Foreign Minister should take better care of their domestic policy. The president should tell his fellow citizens that they want to abide by Italian laws instead of endangering the lives of police officers, “” said Italy’s interior minister.

Rackets are accused of aiding and abetting illegal immigration, violating maritime law and resisting state power. In Rome, this is by no means an isolated position of the right-wing populist Salvini. The ministers of Salvini’s partner party Cinque Stelle are also behind him on this issue.

Even the otherwise moderate Prime Minister of Italy, Giuseppe Conte, is angry with the German attitude: “” Should Angela Merkel want to talk to me about Rackete, “he said,” “then that would be a good opportunity for me after the whereabouts of the To ask managers from Thyssen. “” Meant were the Germans Harald Espenhahn and Gerald Priegnitz, former managers of Thyssenkrupp, who were legally imprisoned for several years in Italy after a fire in the Turin plant of the steel company in 2007, in which seven employees were killed were convicted. So far, however, they have not started their imprisonment because an appeal procedure is ongoing in Germany. Conte believes the case is being deliberately delayed. Old wounds in transalpine relations are opening up and EU personal poker in Brussels is also affected. Rome does not want Berlin to impose any more migration-friendly, left-leaning politicians like Frans Timmermans as EU Commission President. Since the comments between Rome and Berlin in the Rackete case are becoming increasingly toxic, Bundestag President Wolfgang Schäuble now has mutual moderation and the German side Self-criticism called: “” The fact that you have to rescue people who are in distress at sea cannot be seriously discussed, “emphasizes Schäuble.

However, sea rescue organizations should avoid sending the wrong signals with their work and thus promoting the tugboat business. “” That is part of the truth. “” Source: “Economics Minister Altmaier is under attack. It is obvious that some frustrated Merkel opponents” cool their faces “like a CDU member when he is loyal to the Chancellor Put it in a nutshell. But that doesn’t throw the Saarland crisis professional off track. Anyone who wants to know how much Angela Merkel’s power is dwindling should look at the long-standing triumvirate of her power architecture: Volker Kauder, Ursula von der Leyen and Peter Altmaier. One is was hunted spectacularly from the court by his own parliamentary group, the other group fires supposed scandals every day and now Peter Altmaier is attacked from within his own ranks as if the Saarlander were a socialist in the Erhard Ministry. Peter Altmaier has already had many crises for Chancellor Angela Merkel (Photo: picture alliance / dpa) Behind the systematic dismantling of the three Merkel pillars is the disguised revolt of the CDU against its Chancellor.

You attack their loyalists, but you actually mean them. “The Merkel opponents cool their hearts to Kauder, von der Leyen and Altmaier,” says a CDU executive committee member. The fact that Merkel can no longer protect her people, that she no longer expresses herself on the conflicts in the republic and that she appears to have disappeared, reinforces the impression of a fainting Chancellor.In the case of Peter Altmaiers, it has been possible to see for weeks that the economic wing in the Union is lousy Mood spread. You would love to see Friedrich Merz as Minister of Economic Affairs, today rather than tomorrow. They do not forgive him that Altmaier had mobilized against Merz at the CDU party congress. And so they spread: He is not defending the middle class adequately against the regulatory encroachment of the SPD and the Greens; he moves too little in digitization; In terms of tax and energy policy, he had failed.

His approach to the national industrial strategy is interpreted as a betrayal of the middle class and market economy. Altmaier rightly points out that China and the USA are pursuing industrial policy with ever tougher conditions and that Germany must arm itself. The family business association does not want him to speak at all for the association anniversary – an unprecedented scandal – the powerful employers Gesamtmetall think that the Federal Minister of Economics “is meanwhile damaging the Union’s reputation in the economy” “.

It is spread that Altmaier is moving to Brussels after the European elections and will become EU Commissioner, his time in Berlin has expired. The attacks are massive, concerted and unfair. But the attackers could underestimate Altmaier. He has a tough temper and is a specialist in sensitive situations.

Whenever things got tricky for Angela Merkel, she sent the balancing Saarlander into the fire. Whether the Greek crisis, NSA affair, energy transition or migration crisis – he solved tricky situations with the patience of a Mikado player. He is a cool-headed strategist and gets his way through crises, and so he is now moving with a deep calm and is specifically looking for the big names in the economy in Munich.

First he opens the largest trade fair in the world, Bauma, then he goes to the small-circle top meeting in the Spatenhaus on Max-Joseph-Platz. Altmaier appears in a good mood and tidy these days. And he counters his critics with an unbeatable weapon: friendly serenity. Source: “The government crisis in Austria leads to new elections. The scandal-ridden FPÖ is staggering, and the left opposition is already happy.

But the profiteer is likely to be the clever Chancellor. In politics there are “” Pyrrhic victories “” which are in truth defeats. The 100 percent election of Martin Schulz as SPD candidate for chancellor was one of those. And if Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer is not careful, then her victory over Friedrich Merz will be one too. In Vienna you can currently see the opposite of a Pyrrhic victory – namely an apparent defeat that could ultimately become a great victory. Austria’s Chancellor Sebastian Kurz is standing in front of the shards of his government, the right-wing populist coalition partner is shaking with scandal, new elections are coming and the political left is already rubbing its hands because the experiment of a center-right coalition has failed so spectacularly. Sebastian Kurz has the ÖVP for made by far the strongest political force in Austria. (Photo: imago images / But the left could be too early to look forward to the government crisis. Because the new elections should produce one winner above all: Sebastian Kurz and his bourgeois ÖVP.

In truth, the embarrassing collapse of the FPÖ is for Kurz a political gift, an opportunity to bring back the lost voters en masse from the right-wing competitor. The ÖVP is now likely to become the strongest party both in the European elections and then in the national elections. This enables Kurz to achieve a strategic goal that only two years ago seemed completely impossible. At that time the ÖVP was well below 20 percent, crumbled under the loud pressure of the right and had almost lost its popular party status.

The right-wing populist FPÖ, on the other hand, was bursting with strength in polls of more than 30 percent, and many saw the ÖVP already following the path of the Italian Democrazia Cristiana into insignificance. Today Kurz almost doubled its approval for the ÖVP, and the trend is rising. The polls of the FPÖ, on the other hand, are falling, and the trend is falling. For a short time, the election campaign will benefit from the fact that he is perceived as the only politician of chancellor format.

His diplomatic and – despite his young age of only 32 years – razor-sharp demeanor is well received in Austria. His personal polls on chancellor acceptance are strong, and the only conceivable opponent of the chancellor, the SPÖ leader Pamela Rendi-Wagner, is consistently beaten at 16 percent on the chancellor question. And so the sudden crisis benefits him, precisely because he can distinguish himself as a crisis man and an anchor of stability. Kurz also got his own people’s party behind him with astonishingly unity.

He gave the aging sacristy party a new, metropolitan image, even a modern turquoise as the brand color. He works in the People’s Party with a familial commitment and invents new network formats such as the “” Mandatare Conference “” in Bad Ischl, where the members of the federal and state levels meet and are skillfully inspired by him Present the election campaign to the bourgeois majority as the serious statesman, next to whom the shirt-sleeved libertarians look like commercial petty criminals. “” After yesterday’s video, I have to say enough is enough “”. The FPÖ is damaging the country’s political reputation, thundered Kurz. And now that he is chasing the right-wingers away from the government court with a certain amount of pleasure, the press praises him: “” A sigh of relief goes through the country “” (Salzburger Nachrichten), “” Sebastian Kurz did what was necessary “” (Der Standard), “” The FPÖ will take a long time to repair this damage “” (Der Kurier). In the pose of the defender of democracy, Kurz can now use big guns: “” It is about abuse of power and that is serious and problematic.

It is about open offers of corruption. And attacks against the free press. “” The Chancellor even thinks that the video for Strache should have criminal consequences. Seldom has a coalition partner shrunk from vice chancellor to prisoner so quickly, and the chancellor succeeds in a second coup against right-wing populists.

The first was her cool, strategic integration into a government based on the motto “” If you can’t defeat your enemies, crush them with a hug. “” Kurz demystified the right-wing populists in the government. He has expropriated them from their core cultural struggle theme with the issue of migration, implemented economic and innovation-friendly reforms with them and is now using the first opportunity to drastically disempower them.